viernes, 17 de febrero de 2012

Cameron Against Scottish Independence, NYT

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By  and 


LONDON — Arguing that the centuries-old “ties that bind” Britain together were under threat from Scottish separatism, Prime Minister David Cameron traveled to Edinburgh on Thursday to meet with First Minister Alex Salmond in what was seen here as the first, sparring bout of a longer battle over an independence referendum.

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Ian Macnicol/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

A protester outside where talks were held Thursday in Edinburgh between Britain's prime minister and Scotland's first minister.

David Moir/Reuters

Prime Minister David Cameron walked with Scotland's Conservative Party leader, Ruth Davidson, in Edinburgh on Thursday.

But the meeting suggested just how drawn out the dispute could be, with the two leaders casting the results of the talks in starkly different terms.

Mr. Salmond said the talks had “moved on quite substantially,” and that the men had narrowed the areas of disagreement, the Associated Press reported. But Mr. Cameron said that “on the issue of independence, separating Scotland, leaving the United Kingdom, I am afraid there wasn’t much progress.”

The meeting came after months of maneuvering, with Mr. Salmond saying he had been unable to get Mr. Cameron to agree to talk. In the end, Mr. Cameron coupled the meeting with a speech in Edinburgh in which he reached out directly to the Scottish people, lacing his pragmatic arguments on the financial and military advantages of the union with emotional appeals.

“I am one hundred percent clear that I will fight with everything I have to keep our United Kingdom together,” Mr. Cameron said. “To me, this is not some issue of policy or strategy or calculation — it matters head, heart and soul. Our shared home is under threat and everyone who cares about it needs to speak out.”

The meeting scheduled with Mr. Salmond was the first since the Scottish leader, whose Scottish National Party triumphed in elections last year, took an initial formal step last month toward a referendum on Scotland’s fate. His government hopes to secure a mandate from Scotland’s five million people for its withdrawal from the United Kingdom within as little as five years.

But Mr. Cameron and other British leaders say they have the power to decide if there should be a referendum and how it should be conducted, and they dispute many of the terms Mr. Salmond is seeking for the ballot.

Mr. Salmond has suggested late 2014 as a time for a referendum — the 700th anniversary of a famed Scottish victory over the English at the Battle of Bannockburn — and wants people as young as 16 to be able to vote, two years younger than at present. He is also pressing for the referendum to pose two separate questions to establish whether voters want independence, greatly enhanced autonomy or neither of those.

But Mr. Cameron, who fears a vote for autonomy will pave the way to independence, is seeking a yes or no vote whether Scotland should break away. He also wants an earlier date for the ballot — an apparent effort to limit the ability of Mr. Salmond, a formidable campaigner, to win over skeptical Scots. Opinion polls in recent years have suggested that a minority of Scots favor independence, and many of them are fearful of financial upheaval if they break away.

Mr. Cameron spoke to those and other worries on Thursday, arguing that membership of the United Kingdom is “stronger, safer, richer and fairer.”

“We’re stronger, because together we count for more in the world, with a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, real clout in NATO and Europe and unique influence with allies all over the world,” Mr. Cameron said. “We’re safer, because in an increasingly dangerous world we have the fourth-largest defense budget on the planet, superb armed forces and anti-terrorist and security capabilities that stretch across the globe and are feared by our enemies and admired by our friends.

“We’re richer, because inside the United Kingdom, Scotland’s five million people are part of an economy of 60 million, the seventh-richest economy on the planet and one of the world’s biggest trading powers,” he said.

For his part, though, Mr. Salmond says Scotland will be better off with unfettered access to its own resources. Late Wednesday, he told an audience in London that, with exclusive access to North Sea oil, which is also claimed by Britain, Scotland would be able to build a sovereign energy fund worth more than $45 billion within 20 years.

“The debate about independence is about looking forward and creating a better future for Scotland,” he said.

Mr. Salmond also has said that the referendum is an issue for Scotland alone to orchestrate, rejecting assertions by British ministers that his government does not have the authority to do so.

A spokesman for him said the “key point” was that “the terms of the referendum must be decided in Scotland.”

Mr. Cameron also suggested Thursday that if Scots rejected independence, his government would consider granting Scotland more powers.

Mr. Salmond was dismissive of the notion, saying that if Mr. Cameron had an offer to make, he should spell it out now, according to an Associated Press report.

“This idea of saying ‘well, vote no and we’ll give you something later’ I don’t think is going to convince anyone in Scotland,” he said.

John F. Burns reported from London and Alan Cowell from Paris.

Posted via email from apm35's posterous

Cameron Against Scottish Independence, NYT

0 comentarios

By  and 


LONDON — Arguing that the centuries-old “ties that bind” Britain together were under threat from Scottish separatism, Prime Minister David Cameron traveled to Edinburgh on Thursday to meet with First Minister Alex Salmond in what was seen here as the first, sparring bout of a longer battle over an independence referendum.

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Follow@nytimesworldfor international breaking news and headlines.

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Ian Macnicol/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

A protester outside where talks were held Thursday in Edinburgh between Britain's prime minister and Scotland's first minister.

David Moir/Reuters

Prime Minister David Cameron walked with Scotland's Conservative Party leader, Ruth Davidson, in Edinburgh on Thursday.

But the meeting suggested just how drawn out the dispute could be, with the two leaders casting the results of the talks in starkly different terms.

Mr. Salmond said the talks had “moved on quite substantially,” and that the men had narrowed the areas of disagreement, the Associated Press reported. But Mr. Cameron said that “on the issue of independence, separating Scotland, leaving the United Kingdom, I am afraid there wasn’t much progress.”

The meeting came after months of maneuvering, with Mr. Salmond saying he had been unable to get Mr. Cameron to agree to talk. In the end, Mr. Cameron coupled the meeting with a speech in Edinburgh in which he reached out directly to the Scottish people, lacing his pragmatic arguments on the financial and military advantages of the union with emotional appeals.

“I am one hundred percent clear that I will fight with everything I have to keep our United Kingdom together,” Mr. Cameron said. “To me, this is not some issue of policy or strategy or calculation — it matters head, heart and soul. Our shared home is under threat and everyone who cares about it needs to speak out.”

The meeting scheduled with Mr. Salmond was the first since the Scottish leader, whose Scottish National Party triumphed in elections last year, took an initial formal step last month toward a referendum on Scotland’s fate. His government hopes to secure a mandate from Scotland’s five million people for its withdrawal from the United Kingdom within as little as five years.

But Mr. Cameron and other British leaders say they have the power to decide if there should be a referendum and how it should be conducted, and they dispute many of the terms Mr. Salmond is seeking for the ballot.

Mr. Salmond has suggested late 2014 as a time for a referendum — the 700th anniversary of a famed Scottish victory over the English at the Battle of Bannockburn — and wants people as young as 16 to be able to vote, two years younger than at present. He is also pressing for the referendum to pose two separate questions to establish whether voters want independence, greatly enhanced autonomy or neither of those.

But Mr. Cameron, who fears a vote for autonomy will pave the way to independence, is seeking a yes or no vote whether Scotland should break away. He also wants an earlier date for the ballot — an apparent effort to limit the ability of Mr. Salmond, a formidable campaigner, to win over skeptical Scots. Opinion polls in recent years have suggested that a minority of Scots favor independence, and many of them are fearful of financial upheaval if they break away.

Mr. Cameron spoke to those and other worries on Thursday, arguing that membership of the United Kingdom is “stronger, safer, richer and fairer.”

“We’re stronger, because together we count for more in the world, with a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, real clout in NATO and Europe and unique influence with allies all over the world,” Mr. Cameron said. “We’re safer, because in an increasingly dangerous world we have the fourth-largest defense budget on the planet, superb armed forces and anti-terrorist and security capabilities that stretch across the globe and are feared by our enemies and admired by our friends.

“We’re richer, because inside the United Kingdom, Scotland’s five million people are part of an economy of 60 million, the seventh-richest economy on the planet and one of the world’s biggest trading powers,” he said.

For his part, though, Mr. Salmond says Scotland will be better off with unfettered access to its own resources. Late Wednesday, he told an audience in London that, with exclusive access to North Sea oil, which is also claimed by Britain, Scotland would be able to build a sovereign energy fund worth more than $45 billion within 20 years.

“The debate about independence is about looking forward and creating a better future for Scotland,” he said.

Mr. Salmond also has said that the referendum is an issue for Scotland alone to orchestrate, rejecting assertions by British ministers that his government does not have the authority to do so.

A spokesman for him said the “key point” was that “the terms of the referendum must be decided in Scotland.”

Mr. Cameron also suggested Thursday that if Scots rejected independence, his government would consider granting Scotland more powers.

Mr. Salmond was dismissive of the notion, saying that if Mr. Cameron had an offer to make, he should spell it out now, according to an Associated Press report.

“This idea of saying ‘well, vote no and we’ll give you something later’ I don’t think is going to convince anyone in Scotland,” he said.

John F. Burns reported from London and Alan Cowell from Paris.

Italy Will Tax the Church, NYT

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ROME — Over the years, the Italian government has quietly passed scores of laws that benefit the Roman Catholic Church, but it is rare for it to issue a public statement announcing that it intends to strip the church of privileges.

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The government of Prime MinisterMario Monti took that step on Wednesday, telling the European Commission that it would change Italian law to ensure that the church pays property tax on the parts of its buildings used for commercial ends.

The church owns vast amounts of property in Italy, and the move is aimed at making sure that convents that offer bed-and-breakfast services or church buildings that rent space to shops pay their share of taxes.

The change — once it is formally drafted and approved by Parliament — could result in revenues of $650 million to $2.6 billion annually, according to municipal government associations. It could also set an example for other European countries that are struggling with debt — notably Greece and Spain — and where there is growing popular resentment over tax breaks for the church.

The proposal shows how Mr. Monti, a churchgoer himself, is able to read the national mood. Facing higher taxes and their own belt-tightening, Italians are fed up with what they see as unfair privileges — be it of the political class or the church. After austerity measures were passed in December, 130,000 people signed an online petition calling on the government to revoke the church’s tax-exempt status.

“It was time that they paid, too, with all the exemptions they’ve had throughout the years,” said Marco Catalano, 35, a shopkeeper in Rome, who said he goes to church twice a month. “They own the most beautiful buildings in downtown Rome, on Italian soil, and rent them out at market prices. They don’t give them for free or at low prices for charity.”

Many church buildings fall into a gray area, taking advantage of a tax exemption for religious organizations’ buildings even if they are largely used for commercial purposes.

In a statement to Joaquín Almunia, the vice president of the European Commission, the government said it would revoke the tax exemption for church property whose commercial use is “not only exclusive but also prevalent.” It also proposed that the Finance Ministry draw the line between taxable and tax-exempt spaces within the same building — a difficult provision to enforce.

The European Commission opened an inquiry in 2010 into whether tax exemption for the church amounted to illegal state aid and stifled competition. As an antitrust commissioner on the European Commission from 1995 to 2005, Mr. Monti handled competition issues.

Mr. Monti, who became prime minister in November, is following regular pendulum swings on the issue. In 2005, the government under Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi quietly extended the church’s exemption from local property taxes. The next year, the center-left government reinstated a tax for buildings of “nonexclusive commercial use.” Last year, a new Berlusconi government re-extended the church’s exemption.

In a statement on Thursday, the Italian Bishops Conference said, “We are waiting to find out the exact formulation of the text to be able to offer a more precise opinion.”

Gaia Pianigiani contributed reporting.

Italy Will Tax the Church, NYT

0 comentarios

ROME — Over the years, the Italian government has quietly passed scores of laws that benefit the Roman Catholic Church, but it is rare for it to issue a public statement announcing that it intends to strip the church of privileges.

World Twitter Logo.

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Follow@nytimesworldfor international breaking news and headlines.

Twitter List: Reporters and Editors

The government of Prime MinisterMario Monti took that step on Wednesday, telling the European Commission that it would change Italian law to ensure that the church pays property tax on the parts of its buildings used for commercial ends.

The church owns vast amounts of property in Italy, and the move is aimed at making sure that convents that offer bed-and-breakfast services or church buildings that rent space to shops pay their share of taxes.

The change — once it is formally drafted and approved by Parliament — could result in revenues of $650 million to $2.6 billion annually, according to municipal government associations. It could also set an example for other European countries that are struggling with debt — notably Greece and Spain — and where there is growing popular resentment over tax breaks for the church.

The proposal shows how Mr. Monti, a churchgoer himself, is able to read the national mood. Facing higher taxes and their own belt-tightening, Italians are fed up with what they see as unfair privileges — be it of the political class or the church. After austerity measures were passed in December, 130,000 people signed an online petition calling on the government to revoke the church’s tax-exempt status.

“It was time that they paid, too, with all the exemptions they’ve had throughout the years,” said Marco Catalano, 35, a shopkeeper in Rome, who said he goes to church twice a month. “They own the most beautiful buildings in downtown Rome, on Italian soil, and rent them out at market prices. They don’t give them for free or at low prices for charity.”

Many church buildings fall into a gray area, taking advantage of a tax exemption for religious organizations’ buildings even if they are largely used for commercial purposes.

In a statement to Joaquín Almunia, the vice president of the European Commission, the government said it would revoke the tax exemption for church property whose commercial use is “not only exclusive but also prevalent.” It also proposed that the Finance Ministry draw the line between taxable and tax-exempt spaces within the same building — a difficult provision to enforce.

The European Commission opened an inquiry in 2010 into whether tax exemption for the church amounted to illegal state aid and stifled competition. As an antitrust commissioner on the European Commission from 1995 to 2005, Mr. Monti handled competition issues.

Mr. Monti, who became prime minister in November, is following regular pendulum swings on the issue. In 2005, the government under Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi quietly extended the church’s exemption from local property taxes. The next year, the center-left government reinstated a tax for buildings of “nonexclusive commercial use.” Last year, a new Berlusconi government re-extended the church’s exemption.

In a statement on Thursday, the Italian Bishops Conference said, “We are waiting to find out the exact formulation of the text to be able to offer a more precise opinion.”

Gaia Pianigiani contributed reporting.

Posted via email from apm35's posterous

Vatican Is Shaken by Leaks, NYT.

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VATICAN CITY — As the world’s Roman Catholics prepare for the addition of 22 new members to the College of Cardinals, the Vaticanhas become embroiled in an embarrassing scandal in which a number of leaked documents have drawn back the curtains on the church’s inner workings.

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The internal Church squabbling, predictably dubbed “Vatileaks” by the Italian news media, became public about three weeks ago with the disclosure on television and in newspapers of confidential letters written by a top Vatican official who had denounced alleged corruption and financial mismanagement in Vatican City.

The widespread feeling among experts who follow the Vatican is that the letters were a volley in a battle among officials jousting for power in a papal court whose anointed leader, they say, is more concerned with theological questions than with the day- to-day affairs of state.

Every journalist who follows the Church has described the current controversy as part of “a clash between cardinals in the Curia,” even though the Vatican is denying it, said Paolo Rodari, who writes about the Vatican for two newspapers. The e-mails and letters and documents that have made their way into print “could not get out unless they came from someone inside,” he added.

The Vatican has not denied the letters’ authenticity, but it has issued numerous statements saying the news media has blown the matter far out of proportion.

The first missives to be published date to last spring. In them, Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò, at the time the deputy governor of Vatican City, fretted that he would be ousted after making enemies in his effort to combat overspending and cronyism in the awarding of contracts. He pleaded with his boss, Secretary of State Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, and the pope to let him stay on. Instead, Archbishop Viganò was named the papal nuncio, or ambassador, to the United States.

Letters and documents by other Vatican officials followed, including some that suggested that the Vatican was not adequately complying with international legislation to prevent money laundering.

One anonymous document published in a national newspaper last week cited reports that a Sicilian cardinal had spoken vaguely about a plot to kill Pope Benedict XVI before the end of 2012.

The Vatican spokesman, Father Federico Lombardi, called the reports “delirious and incomprehensible.”

The public airing of the Church’s problems comes at an awkward time for the Vatican as it prepares to expand the College of Cardinals, which will take place at a ceremony at St. Peter’s Basilica on Saturday.

It is usually a festive moment, and indeed hundreds of pilgrims have come from New York to be present when Archbishop Timothy M. Dolan becomes a prince of the church. This time, however, some columnists who write about the Vatican have made much of the fact that a higher-than-average number of new cardinals are Italian or have links with the Curia, stacking the deck, they implied, in the election of the next pope.

Full disclosure has never been the Vatican’s choice of public relations strategy (even today, its archives release only long-ago pronouncements in carefully measured doses). But to judge by the numerous statements they have issued, the disclosure of the letters has uncharacteristically placed the Holy See’s house organs in crisis mode.

In a front-page editorial this week about Benedict in The Osservatore Romano, the Vatican newspaper, the editor-in-chief, Giovanni Maria Vian, described the pope as standing fast “before the wolves” amid “irresponsible and unworthy behavior” encouraged by the “clamor of the media.”

Father Lombardi, the spokesman, also took stabs at the news media and called on church officials to “have strong nerves, because no one can be surprised at anything,” comparing the embarrassment caused by the letters to the mortification that engulfed the United States administration in the WikiLeaks scandal.

The Church must stand firm, and not allow itself “to be swallowed up by the vortex of confusion, which is what ill-intentioned people want,” he said in a statement this week. We must “make use of reason, something which not all media outlets tend to do.”

World Twitter Logo.

While there is broad consensus among Vatican experts that the Vatican and its churchmen are not immune to the failings of human nature, the storied intricacies of Vatican politics make the final objective of the leaked letters less clear.

Some believe the letters are meant to cast murky light on Cardinal Bertone, accused by critics of being a bad manager even as he tries to expand his influence at the papal court.

Others say the objective is simply to disclose corruption within the Vatican’s financial institutions, though in recent years the Holy See has ostensibly made efforts to be more transparent in its economic dealings (mere smokescreens, skeptics say).

“The lid came off this pot because it was masking a can of worms and it was time that they came out in the light of the day,” said Marco Lillo, an investigative journalist at the newspaper Il Fatto Quotidiano, which has published several of the documents. The letters emerged, he explained, after alleged wrongdoings within the Curia went unpunished. “In a closed world, the only way to make wrongs public is to bring them to light in the public opinion.”

And in a Church that has already been shaken by the acknowledgment of widespread sexual abuse of minors on the part of the clergy, the notion that what happens within Vatican walls stays within the Vatican walls “no longer applies,” he said. But there are also those who believe that the attacks are aimed at the pope himself, that he is being blamed for disregarding the management (and machinations) of the Church as he instead tries to cement its theological and doctrinal foundations.

Indeed, the pope, who turns 85 in April, has himself obliquely referred to the contentious climate in the Curia on several occasions, calling on officials to pay greater attention to spiritual rather than temporal matters.

Speaking to seminarians in Rome on Wednesday, the pope said that in recent days there had been “much talk about the Church of Rome, many things being said,” the Vatican Information Service reported. “Let us hope that people also talk about our faith.”

Vatican Is Shaken by Leaks, NYT.

0 comentarios

VATICAN CITY — As the world’s Roman Catholics prepare for the addition of 22 new members to the College of Cardinals, the Vaticanhas become embroiled in an embarrassing scandal in which a number of leaked documents have drawn back the curtains on the church’s inner workings.

World Twitter Logo.

Connect With Us on Twitter

Follow@nytimesworldfor international breaking news and headlines.

Twitter List: Reporters and Editors

The internal Church squabbling, predictably dubbed “Vatileaks” by the Italian news media, became public about three weeks ago with the disclosure on television and in newspapers of confidential letters written by a top Vatican official who had denounced alleged corruption and financial mismanagement in Vatican City.

The widespread feeling among experts who follow the Vatican is that the letters were a volley in a battle among officials jousting for power in a papal court whose anointed leader, they say, is more concerned with theological questions than with the day- to-day affairs of state.

Every journalist who follows the Church has described the current controversy as part of “a clash between cardinals in the Curia,” even though the Vatican is denying it, said Paolo Rodari, who writes about the Vatican for two newspapers. The e-mails and letters and documents that have made their way into print “could not get out unless they came from someone inside,” he added.

The Vatican has not denied the letters’ authenticity, but it has issued numerous statements saying the news media has blown the matter far out of proportion.

The first missives to be published date to last spring. In them, Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò, at the time the deputy governor of Vatican City, fretted that he would be ousted after making enemies in his effort to combat overspending and cronyism in the awarding of contracts. He pleaded with his boss, Secretary of State Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, and the pope to let him stay on. Instead, Archbishop Viganò was named the papal nuncio, or ambassador, to the United States.

Letters and documents by other Vatican officials followed, including some that suggested that the Vatican was not adequately complying with international legislation to prevent money laundering.

One anonymous document published in a national newspaper last week cited reports that a Sicilian cardinal had spoken vaguely about a plot to kill Pope Benedict XVI before the end of 2012.

The Vatican spokesman, Father Federico Lombardi, called the reports “delirious and incomprehensible.”

The public airing of the Church’s problems comes at an awkward time for the Vatican as it prepares to expand the College of Cardinals, which will take place at a ceremony at St. Peter’s Basilica on Saturday.

It is usually a festive moment, and indeed hundreds of pilgrims have come from New York to be present when Archbishop Timothy M. Dolan becomes a prince of the church. This time, however, some columnists who write about the Vatican have made much of the fact that a higher-than-average number of new cardinals are Italian or have links with the Curia, stacking the deck, they implied, in the election of the next pope.

Full disclosure has never been the Vatican’s choice of public relations strategy (even today, its archives release only long-ago pronouncements in carefully measured doses). But to judge by the numerous statements they have issued, the disclosure of the letters has uncharacteristically placed the Holy See’s house organs in crisis mode.

In a front-page editorial this week about Benedict in The Osservatore Romano, the Vatican newspaper, the editor-in-chief, Giovanni Maria Vian, described the pope as standing fast “before the wolves” amid “irresponsible and unworthy behavior” encouraged by the “clamor of the media.”

Father Lombardi, the spokesman, also took stabs at the news media and called on church officials to “have strong nerves, because no one can be surprised at anything,” comparing the embarrassment caused by the letters to the mortification that engulfed the United States administration in the WikiLeaks scandal.

The Church must stand firm, and not allow itself “to be swallowed up by the vortex of confusion, which is what ill-intentioned people want,” he said in a statement this week. We must “make use of reason, something which not all media outlets tend to do.”

World Twitter Logo.

While there is broad consensus among Vatican experts that the Vatican and its churchmen are not immune to the failings of human nature, the storied intricacies of Vatican politics make the final objective of the leaked letters less clear.

Some believe the letters are meant to cast murky light on Cardinal Bertone, accused by critics of being a bad manager even as he tries to expand his influence at the papal court.

Others say the objective is simply to disclose corruption within the Vatican’s financial institutions, though in recent years the Holy See has ostensibly made efforts to be more transparent in its economic dealings (mere smokescreens, skeptics say).

“The lid came off this pot because it was masking a can of worms and it was time that they came out in the light of the day,” said Marco Lillo, an investigative journalist at the newspaper Il Fatto Quotidiano, which has published several of the documents. The letters emerged, he explained, after alleged wrongdoings within the Curia went unpunished. “In a closed world, the only way to make wrongs public is to bring them to light in the public opinion.”

And in a Church that has already been shaken by the acknowledgment of widespread sexual abuse of minors on the part of the clergy, the notion that what happens within Vatican walls stays within the Vatican walls “no longer applies,” he said. But there are also those who believe that the attacks are aimed at the pope himself, that he is being blamed for disregarding the management (and machinations) of the Church as he instead tries to cement its theological and doctrinal foundations.

Indeed, the pope, who turns 85 in April, has himself obliquely referred to the contentious climate in the Curia on several occasions, calling on officials to pay greater attention to spiritual rather than temporal matters.

Speaking to seminarians in Rome on Wednesday, the pope said that in recent days there had been “much talk about the Church of Rome, many things being said,” the Vatican Information Service reported. “Let us hope that people also talk about our faith.”

Posted via email from apm35's posterous

jueves, 16 de febrero de 2012

EN TU ESPACIO, bellísimo poema de Lina Zeron

0 comentarios
Ven, galopa,
colma mi espacio, 
mi vacío azorado de maravillas,
allí tengo mis tesoros…
umbilical mi boca
devorándome el tiralíneas,
por ejemplo:
escondida y bebiendo whisky
entre tus rodillas.

Ven, que quiero sumergirme
en la realidad de tus pasos cotidianos,
mi nombre con caricias arrancarte
y abrir los cauces del amor
mientras el mar consume el universo
de mi salvaje humanidad.

Quiero hundirme en la playa
de un amor desconocido.
Amor al desamor lo estiro…
lo estiro.

Otras obligaciones acuné en mi vientre
mastiqué besos ajenos en cama de nardos;
más a él, 
le importa todo 
una bandada de brujas,
mi amor vale más por la experiencia
que por una tela de cielo entre mis piernas.

EN TU ESPACIO, bellísimo poema de Lina Zeron

0 comentarios
Ven, galopa,
colma mi espacio, 
mi vacío azorado de maravillas,
allí tengo mis tesoros…
umbilical mi boca
devorándome el tiralíneas,
por ejemplo:
escondida y bebiendo whisky
entre tus rodillas.

Ven, que quiero sumergirme
en la realidad de tus pasos cotidianos,
mi nombre con caricias arrancarte
y abrir los cauces del amor
mientras el mar consume el universo
de mi salvaje humanidad.

Quiero hundirme en la playa
de un amor desconocido.
Amor al desamor lo estiro…
lo estiro.

Otras obligaciones acuné en mi vientre
mastiqué besos ajenos en cama de nardos;
más a él, 
le importa todo 
una bandada de brujas,
mi amor vale más por la experiencia
que por una tela de cielo entre mis piernas.

Posted via email from apm35's posterous

Pierre Menard, autor del Quijote

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Jorge Luis Borges
(1899–1986)


Pierre Menard, autor del Quijote
(El jardín de senderos que se bifurcan (1941;
Ficciones, 1944)


A Silvina Ocampo

         La obra visible que ha dejado este novelista es de fácil y breve enumeración. Son, por lo tanto, imperdonables las omisiones y adiciones perpetradas por madame Henri Bachelier en un catálogo falaz que cierto diario cuya tendencia protestante no es un secreto ha tenido la desconsideración de inferir a sus deplorables lectores —si bien estos son pocos y calvinistas, cuando no masones y circuncisos. Los amigos auténticos de Menard han visto con alarma ese catálogo y aun con cierta tristeza. Diríase que ayer nos reunimos ante el mármol final y entre los cipreses infaustos y ya el Error trata de empañar su Memoria... Decididamente, una breve rectificación es inevitable.
          Me consta que es muy fácil recusar mi pobre autoridad. Espero, sin embargo, que no me prohibirán mencionar dos altos testimonios. La baronesa de Bacourt (en cuyos vendredis inolvidables tuve el honor de conocer al llorado poeta) ha tenido a bien aprobar las líneas que siguen. La condesa de Bagnoregio, uno de los espíritus más finos del principado de Mónaco (y ahora de Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, después de su reciente boda con el filántropo internacional Simón Kautzsch, tan calumniado, ¡ay!, por las víctimas de sus desinteresadas maniobras) ha sacrificado “a la veracidad y a la muerte” (tales son sus palabras) la señoril reserva que la distingue y en una carta abierta publicada en la revista Luxe me concede asimismo su beneplácito. Esas ejecutorias, creo, no son insuficientes.
          He dicho que la obra visible de Menard es fácilmente enumerable. Examinado con esmero su archivo particular, he verificado que consta de las piezas que siguen:
          a) Un soneto simbolista que apareció dos veces (con variaciones) en la revista La Conque (números de marzo y octubre de 1899).
          b) Una monografía sobre la posibilidad de construir un vocabulario poético de conceptos que no fueran sinónimos o perífrasis de los que informan el lenguaje común, “sino objetos ideales creados por una convención y esencialmente destinados a las necesidades poéticas” (Nîmes, 1901).
          c) Una monografía sobre “ciertas conexiones o afinidades” del pensamiento de Descartes, de Leibniz y de John Wilkins (Nîmes, 1903).
          d) Una monografía sobre la Characteristica Universalis de Leibniz (Nîmes, 1904).
          e) Un artículo técnico sobre la posibilidad de enriquecer el ajedrez eliminando uno de los peones de torre. Menard propone, recomienda, discute y acaba por rechazar esa innovación.
          f) Una monografía sobre el Ars Magna Generalis de Ramón Llull (Nîmes, 1906).
          g) Una traducción con prólogo y notas del Libro de la invención liberal y arte del juego del axedrez de Ruy López de Segura (París, 1907).
          h) Los borradores de una monografía sobre la lógica simbólica de George Boole.
          i) Un examen de las leyes métricas esenciales de la prosa francesa, ilustrado con ejemplos de Saint­Simon (Revue des Langues Romanes, Montpellier, octubre de 1909).
          j) Una réplica a Luc Durtain (que había negado la existencia de tales leyes) ilustrada con ejemplos de Luc Durtain (Revue des Langues Romanes, Montpellier, diciembre de 1909).
          k) Una traducción manuscrita de la Aguja de navegar cultos de Quevedo, intitulada La Boussole des précieux.
          l) Un prefacio al catálogo de la exposición de litografías de Carolus Hourcade (Nîmes, 1914).
          m) La obra Les Problèmes d'un problème (París, 1917) que discute en orden cronológico las soluciones del ilustre problema de Aquiles y la tortuga. Dos ediciones de este libro han aparecido hasta ahora; la segunda trae como epígrafe el consejo de Leibniz Ne craignez point, monsieur, la tortue, y renueva los capítulos dedicados a Russell y a Descartes.
          n) Un obstinado análisis de las “costumbres sintácticas” de Toulet (N.R.F., marzo de 1921). Menard ­recuerdo­ declaraba que censurar y alabar son operaciones sentimentales que nada tienen que ver con la crítica.
          o) Una transposición en alejandrinos del Cimetière marin, de Paul Valéry (N.R.F., enero de 1928).
          p) Una invectiva contra Paul Valéry, en las Hojas para la supresión de la realidad de Jacques Reboul. (Esa invectiva, dicho sea entre paréntesis, es el reverso exacto de su verdadera opinión sobre Valéry. Éste así lo entendió y la amistad antigua de los dos no corrió peligro.)
          q) Una “definición” de la condesa de Bagnoregio, en el “victorioso volumen” ­la locución es de otro colaborador, Gabriele d'Annunzio­ que anualmente publica esta dama para rectificar los inevitables falseos del periodismo y presentar “al mundo y a Italia” una auténtica efigie de su persona, tan expuesta (en razón misma de su belleza y de su actuación) a interpretaciones erróneas o apresuradas.
          r) Un ciclo de admirables sonetos para la baronesa de Bacourt (1934).
          s) Una lista manuscrita de versos que deben su eficacia a la puntuación.[1]
          Hasta aquí (sin otra omisión que unos vagos sonetos circunstanciales para el hospitalario, o ávido, álbum de madame Henri Bachelier) la obra visible de Menard, en su orden cronológico. Paso ahora a la otra: la subterránea, la interminablemente heroica, la impar. También, ¡ay de las posibilidades del hombre!, la inconclusa. Esa obra, tal vez la más significativa de nuestro tiempo, consta de los capítulos noveno y trigésimo octavo de la primera parte del Don Quijote y de un fragmento del capítulo veintidós. Yo sé que tal afirmación parece un dislate; justificar ese “dislate” es el objeto primordial de esta nota.[2]
          Dos textos de valor desigual inspiraron la empresa. Uno es aquel fragmento filológico de Novalis —­el que lleva el número 2005 en la edición de Dresden­— que esboza el tema de la total identificación con un autor determinado. Otro es uno de esos libros parasitarios que sitúan a Cristo en un bulevar, a Hamlet en la Cannebiére o a don Quijote en Wall Street. Como todo hombre de buen gusto, Menard abominaba de esos carnavales inútiles, sólo aptos ­decía­ para ocasionar el plebeyo placer del anacronismo o (lo que es peor) para embelesarnos con la idea primaria de que todas las épocas son iguales o de que son distintas. Más interesante, aunque de ejecución contradictoria y superficial, le parecía el famoso propósito de Daudet: conjugar en una figura, que es Tartarín, al Ingenioso Hidalgo y a su escudero... Quienes han insinuado que Menard dedicó su vida a escribir un Quijote contemporáneo, calumnian su clara memoria.
          No quería componer otro Quijote —lo cual es fácil— sino el Quijote. Inútil agregar que no encaró nunca una transcripción mecánica del original; no se proponía copiarlo. Su admirable ambición era producir unas páginas que coincidieran ­palabra por palabra y línea por línea­ con las de Miguel de Cervantes.
          “Mi propósito es meramente asombroso”, me escribió el 30 de septiembre de 1934 desde Bayonne. “El término final de una demostración teológica o metafísica —el mundo externo, Dios, la causalidad, las formas universales— no es menos anterior y común que mi divulgada novela. La sola diferencia es que los filósofos publican en agradables volúmenes las etapas intermediarias de su labor y que yo he resuelto perderlas.” En efecto, no queda un solo borrador que atestigüe ese trabajo de años.
          El método inicial que imaginó era relativamente sencillo. Conocer bien el español, recuperar la fe católica, guerrear contra los moros o contra el turco, olvidar la historia de Europa entre los años de 1602 y de 1918, ser Miguel de Cervantes. Pierre Menard estudió ese procedimiento (sé que logró un manejo bastante fiel del español del siglo diecisiete) pero lo descartó por fácil. ¡Más bien por imposible! dirá el lector. De acuerdo, pero la empresa era de antemano imposible y de todos los medios imposibles para llevarla a término, éste era el menos interesante. Ser en el siglo veinte un novelista popular del siglo diecisiete le pareció una disminución. Ser, de alguna manera, Cervantes y llegar al Quijote le pareció menos arduo ­por —consiguiente, menos interesante— que seguir siendo Pierre Menard y llegar al Quijote, a través de las experiencias de Pierre Menard. (Esa convicción, dicho sea de paso, le hizo excluir el prólogo autobiográfico de la segunda parte del Don Quijote. Incluir ese prólogo hubiera sido crear otro personaje —Cervantes— pero también hubiera significado presentar el Quijote en función de ese personaje y no de Menard. Éste, naturalmente, se negó a esa facilidad.) “Mi empresa no es difícil, esencialmente” leo en otro lugar de la carta. “Me bastaría ser inmortal para llevarla a cabo.” ¿Confesaré que suelo imaginar que la terminó y que leo el Quijote —todo el Quijote— como si lo hubiera pensado Menard? Noches pasadas, al hojear el capítulo xxvi —no ensayado nunca por él— reconocí el estilo de nuestro amigo y como su voz en esta frase excepcional: las ninfas de los ríos, la dolorosa y húmida Eco. Esa conjunción eficaz de un adjetivo moral y otro físico me trajo a la memoria un verso de Shakespeare, que discutimos una tarde:

Where a malignant and a turbaned Turk...

          ¿Por qué precisamente el Quijote? dirá nuestro lector. Esa preferencia, en un español, no hubiera sido inexplicable; pero sin duda lo es en un simbolista de Nîmes, devoto esencialmente de Poe, que engendró a Baudelaire, que engendró a Mallarmé, que engendró a Valéry, que engendró a Edmond Teste. La carta precitada ilumina el punto. “El Quijote”, aclara Menard, “me interesa profundamente, pero no me parece ¿cómo lo diré? inevitable. No puedo imaginar el universo sin la interjección de Edgar Allan Poe:

Ah, bear in mind this garden was enchanted!

o sin el Bateau ivre o el Ancient Mariner, pero me sé capaz de imaginarlo sin el Quijote. (Hablo, naturalmente, de mi capacidad personal, no de la resonancia histórica de las obras.) El Quijote es un libro contingente, el Quijote es innecesario. Puedo premeditar su escritura, puedo escribirlo, sin incurrir en una tautología. A los doce o trece años lo leí, tal vez íntegramente. Después, he releído con atención algunos capítulos, aquellos que no intentaré por ahora. He cursado asimismo los entremeses, las comedias, la Galatea, las Novelas ejemplares, los trabajos sin duda laboriosos de Persiles y Segismunda y elViaje del Parnaso... Mi recuerdo general del Quijote, simplificado por el olvido y la indiferencia, puede muy bien equivaler a la imprecisa imagen anterior de un libro no escrito. Postulada esa imagen (que nadie en buena ley me puede negar) es indiscutible que mi problema es harto más difícil que el de Cervantes. Mi complaciente precursor no rehusó la colaboración del azar: iba componiendo la obra inmortal un poco à la diable, llevado por inercias del lenguaje y de la invención. Yo he contraído el misterioso deber de reconstruir literalmente su obra espontánea. Mi solitario juego está gobernado por dos leyes polares. La primera me permite ensayar variantes de tipo formal o psicológico; la segunda me obliga a sacrificarlas al texto ‘original’ y a razonar de un modo irrefutable esa aniquilación... A esas trabas artificiales hay que sumar otra, congénita. Componer el Quijote a principios del siglo diecisiete era una empresa razonable, necesaria, acaso fatal; a principios del veinte, es casi imposible. No en vano han transcurrido trescientos años, cargados de complejísimos hechos. Entre ellos, para mencionar uno solo: el mismo Quijote.”
          A pesar de esos tres obstáculos, el fragmentario Quijote de Menard es más sutil que el de Cervantes. Éste, de un modo burdo, opone a las ficciones caballerescas la pobre realidad provinciana de su país; Menard elige como “realidad” la tierra de Carmen durante el siglo de Lepanto y de Lope. ¡Qué españoladas no habría aconsejado esa elección a Maurice Barrès o al doctor Rodríguez Larreta! Menard, con toda naturalidad, las elude. En su obra no hay gitanerías ni conquistadores ni místicos ni Felipe II ni autos de fe. Desatiende o proscribe el color local. Ese desdén indica un sentido nuevo de la novela histórica. Ese desdén condena a Salammbô, inapelablemente.
          No menos asombroso es considerar capítulos aislados. Por ejemplo, examinemos el xxxviii de la primera parte, “que trata del curioso discurso que hizo don Quixote de las armas y las letras”. Es sabido que don Quijote (como Quevedo en el pasaje análogo, y posterior, de La hora de todos) falla el pleito contra las letras y en favor de las armas. Cervantes era un viejo militar: su fallo se explica. ¡Pero que el don Quijote de Pierre Menard —hombre contemporáneo de La trahison des clercs y de Bertrand Russell— reincida en esas nebulosas sofisterías! Madame Bachelier ha visto en ellas una admirable y típica subordinación del autor a la psicología del héroe; otros (nada perspicazmente) una transcripción del Quijote; la baronesa de Bacourt, la influencia de Nietzsche. A esa tercera interpretación (que juzgo irrefutable) no sé si me atreveré a añadir una cuarta, que condice muy bien con la casi divina modestia de Pierre Menard: su hábito resignado o irónico de propagar ideas que eran el estricto reverso de las preferidas por él. (Rememoremos otra vez su diatriba contra Paul Valéry en la efímera hoja superrealista de Jacques Reboul.) El texto de Cervantes y el de Menard son verbalmente idénticos, pero el segundo es casi infinitamente más rico. (Más ambiguo, dirán sus detractores; pero la ambigüedad es una riqueza.)
          Es una revelación cotejar el Don Quijote de Menard con el de Cervantes. Éste, por ejemplo, escribió (Don Quijote, primera parte, noveno capítulo):

         ... la verdad, cuya madre es la historia, émula del tiempo, depósito de las acciones, testigo de lo pasado, ejemplo y aviso de lo presente, advertencia de lo por venir.

         Redactada en el siglo diecisiete, redactada por el “ingenio lego” Cervantes, esa enumeración es un mero elogio retórico de la historia. Menard, en cambio, escribe:

         ... la verdad, cuya madre es la historia, émula del tiempo, depósito de las acciones, testigo de lo pasado, ejemplo y aviso de lo presente, advertencia de lo por venir.

         La historia, madre de la verdad; la idea es asombrosa. Menard, contemporáneo de William James, no define la historia como una indagación de la realidad sino como su origen. La verdad histórica, para él, no es lo que sucedió; es lo que juzgamos que sucedió. Las cláusulas finales —ejemplo y aviso de lo presente, advertencia de lo por venir— son descaradamente pragmáticas.
          También es vívido el contraste de los estilos. El estilo arcaizante de Menard —extranjero al fin— adolece de alguna afectación. No así el del precursor, que maneja con desenfado el español corriente de su época.
          No hay ejercicio intelectual que no sea finalmente inútil. Una doctrina es al principio una descripción verosímil del universo; giran los años y es un mero capítulo —cuando no un párrafo o un nombre— de la historia de la filosofía. En la literatura, esa caducidad es aún más notoria. El Quijote —me dijo Menard— fue ante todo un libro agradable; ahora es una ocasión de brindis patriótico, de soberbia gramatical, de obscenas ediciones de lujo. La gloria es una incomprensión y quizá la peor.
          Nada tienen de nuevo esas comprobaciones nihilistas; lo singular es la decisión que de ellas derivó Pierre Menard. Resolvió adelantarse a la vanidad que aguarda todas las fatigas del hombre; acometió una empresa complejísima y de antemano fútil. Dedicó sus escrúpulos y vigilias a repetir en un idioma ajeno un libro preexistente. Multiplicó los borradores; corrigió tenazmente y desgarró miles de páginas manuscritas.[3] No permitió que fueran examinadas por nadie y cuidó que no le sobrevivieran. En vano he procurado reconstruirlas.
          He reflexionado que es lícito ver en el Quijote “final” una especie de palimpsesto, en el que deben traslucirse los rastros —Tenues pero no indescifrables— de la “previa” escritura de nuestro amigo. Desgraciadamente, sólo un segundo Pierre Menard, invirtiendo el trabajo del anterior, podría exhumar y resucitar esas Troyas...
          “Pensar, analizar, inventar (me escribió también) no son actos anómalos, son la normal respiración de la inteligencia. Glorificar el ocasional cumplimiento de esa función, atesorar antiguos y ajenos pensamientos, recordar con incrédulo estupor que el doctor universalis pensó, es confesar nuestra languidez o nuestra barbarie. Todo hombre debe ser capaz de todas las ideas y entiendo que en el porvenir lo será.”
          Menard (acaso sin quererlo) ha enriquecido mediante una técnica nueva el arte detenido y rudimentario de la lectura: la técnica del anacronismo deliberado y de las atribuciones erróneas. Esa técnica de aplicación infinita nos insta a recorrer la Odisea como si fuera posterior a la Eneida y el libro Le jardin du Centaure de madame Henri Bachelier como si fuera de madame Henri Bachelier. Esa técnica puebla de aventura los libros más calmosos. Atribuir a Louis Ferdinand Céline o a James Joyce la Imitación de Cristo ¿no es una suficiente renovación de esos tenues avisos espirituales?

Nîmes, 1939


[1] Madame Henri Bachelier enumera asimismo una versión literal de la versión literal que hizo Quevedo de la Introduction à la vie dévote de san Francisco de Sales. En la biblioteca de Pierre Menard no hay rastros de tal obra. Debe tratarse de una broma de nuestro amigo, mal escuchada.

[2] Tuve también el propósito secundario de bosquejar la imagen de Pierre Menard. Pero ¿cómo atreverme a competir con las páginas áureas que me dicen prepara la baronesa de Bacourt o con el lápiz delicado y puntual de Carolus Hourcade?

[3] Recuerdo sus cuadernos cuadriculados, sus negras tachaduras, sus peculiares símbolos tipográficos y su letra de insecto. En los atardeceres le gustaba salir a caminar por los arrabales de Nîmes; solía llevar consigo un cuaderno y hacer una alegre fogata.


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