Alexandra Cousteau
President of Blue Legacy, a nonprofit group based in Washington.
AGE 34
FAVORITE DIVE SPOT Bonaire
FISH SHE MOST RESPECTS Sharks
Alexandra Cousteau
President of Blue Legacy, a nonprofit group based in Washington.
AGE 34
FAVORITE DIVE SPOT Bonaire
FISH SHE MOST RESPECTS Sharks
Jacques Cousteau, my grandfather, taught me to scuba-dive when I was 7. He suited me up in a mask and fins, a small weight belt and child-size air tanks and gently introduced me to a whole new universe.
I remember standing at the edge of the boat and feeling concern about how I would breathe underwater. But I trusted my grandfather, and after a few tentative breaths I plunged in and found myself surrounded by a huge school of silver fish. It was a different universe — alien, beautiful and exciting — and a defining moment. That memory keeps me pushing the boundaries of exploration and discovery.
My family had a home in the United States and in France, and we alternated living in the two countries. My father and grandfather worked closely together, co-producing their award-winning documentaries. I spent the first several years of my life on expedition with my parents. But in 1979, when I was 3 1/2, I lost my father to a plane crash in Portugal. His example has moved me to ask the hard questions, to challenge old thinking and to carry forward a legacy that inspires each of us to act.
After graduating from Georgetown University in 1998, I moved to Barcelona for a year. I worked for Canal Natura, a “green” TV channel, writing and producing environmental programming. Several years later, I went to Costa Rica to work on projects that engaged communities in sustainable practices and responsible management of marine-protected areas. I was there two years.
In 2008, I founded Blue Legacy International to shape society’s dialogue to include water as one of the defining issues of our century. Last February, I took a nine-person crew on a 100-day expedition across five continents to explore the interconnectedness of our global water resources. We produced over 30 short films, as well as photographs and blogs we published through a network of media partners.
I love the feeling of arriving in a new place and immersing myself in something I’ve never experienced. I love coming to know a foreign culture, new people and the perspective they offer on the world.
We were recently filming about water issues in a slum community in India when the back of my jeans split. Before I knew it, a group of young children were having a delightful time throwing pebbles aimed at where I had crudely repaired the tear with duct tape. After weeks in the field, it was wonderful to have a chance to laugh at ourselves and marvel at the humor and mischief of children. After a while, a local woman took me inside her house and sewed the rip for me.
As a woman continuing in the tradition of a male-dominated legacy, I have had to learn to stand on my own and assert myself more than I would naturally. But by developing a strong personal voice, I have been able to define my mission in a way that has generated great successes for my organization.
I’ve logged quite a few gypsy miles over the years, but there are times I enjoy being home in Washington to catch up with my friends and family.
I especially enjoy rowing on the Potomac River. It’s like a focused meditation, because if you don’t pay attention to balancing and keeping your oars straight, the boat will tip over. I love the feeling of gliding across the surface and gazing across the water at the birds and forests.
As told to Patricia R. Olsen.

Hajji Abdul Zahir, far left, the district governor of Marja, oversees payments by the Marines to Afghans in the region. More Photos »
The Marines took Marja, but the Taliban remain there. More Photos »
MARJA, Afghanistan — Since their offensive here in February, the Marines have flooded Marja with hundreds of thousands of dollars a week. The tactic aims to win over wary locals by paying them compensation for property damage or putting to work men who would otherwise look to the Taliban for support.
The approach helped turn the tide of insurgency in Iraq. But in Marja, where the Taliban seem to know everything — and most of the time it is impossible to even tell who they are — they have already found ways to thwart the strategy in many places, including killing or beating some who take the Marines’ money, or pocketing it themselves.
Just a few weeks since the start of the operation here, the Taliban have “reseized control and the momentum in a lot of ways” in northern Marja, Maj. James Coffman, civil affairs leader for the Third Battalion, Sixth Marines, said in an interview in late March. “We have to change tactics to get the locals back on our side.”
Col. Ghulam Sakhi, an Afghan National Police commander here, says his informants have told him that at least 30 Taliban have come to one Marine outpost here to take money from the Marines as compensation for property damage or family members killed during the operation in February.
“You shake hands with them, but you don’t know they are Taliban,” Colonel Sakhi said. “They have the same clothes, and the same style. And they are using the money against the Marines. They are buying I.E.D.’s and buying ammunition, everything.”
One tribal elder from northern Marja, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of being killed, said in an interview on Saturday that the killing and intimidation continued to worsen. “Every day we are hearing that they kill people, and we are finding their dead bodies,” he said. “The Taliban are everywhere.”
The local problem points to the larger challenges ahead as American forces expand operations in the predominantly Pashtun south, where the Taliban draw most of their support and the government is deeply unpopular.
In Marja, the Taliban are hardly a distinct militant group, and the Marines have collided with a Taliban identity so dominant that the movement appears more akin to the only political organization in a one-party town, with an influence that touches everyone. Even the Marines admit to being somewhat flummoxed.
“We’ve got to re-evaluate our definition of the word ‘enemy,’ ” said Brig. Gen. Larry Nicholson, commander of the Marine expeditionary brigade in Helmand Province. “Most people here identify themselves as Taliban.”
“We have to readjust our thinking so we’re not trying to chase the Taliban out of Marja, we’re trying to chase the enemy out,” he said. “We have to deal with these people.”
The Marines hoped the work programs would be a quick way to put to work hundreds of “military-aged males,” as they call them. In some places, that has worked. But the programs have run into jeopardy in other parts of Marja, an area of about 80 square miles that is a patchwork of lush farmland and small bazaars and villages.
In northern Marja, the biggest blow came when the local man hired to supervise the work programs was beaten by the Taliban and refused to help the Marines any more. The programs are “completely dead in the water” there, Major Coffman said.
In addition to work programs, the Marines are using compensation payments to build support for the newly appointed district governor of Marja, Hajji Abdul Zahir, telling people that to receive money they must get his approval. That effort has proved equally vulnerable.
In late March, an Afghan man was beaten by the Taliban hours after he had gone to the Marine outpost that houses Mr. Zahir’s office to collect his compensation. The Taliban took the money and stole a similar amount as punishment, said Colonel Sakhi, the police commander.
“My greatest fear right now is not knowing if I have put money into the pockets of the Taliban,” Major Coffman said.
Despite those reservations, the Marine strategy depends on sowing this community with buckets of cash. The money is a bridge to a day when, in theory, the new Marja district government will have more credibility than the Taliban.
That would be a difficult goal even if the Americans did not intend to rid the region of its lucrative poppy crop. While the United States has abandoned the policy of widespread eradication of the crop, efforts to discourage planting it will still cost farmers and power brokers huge sums.
“There are lots of people with lots of money invested here, and they are not just going to give that up,“ General Nicholson said. “Now is the heavy lifting. We have to convince a very skeptical population that we are here to help them.”
A steady flow of Taliban attacks have added to the challenge. After the February offensive, the Marines used cash payments to prod more than 20 store owners at one bazaar in northern Marja to open their doors, a key to stabilizing the area and reassuring residents.
By late March, all but five shops had closed, Major Coffman said. A prominent anti-Taliban senior elder was also gunned down in northern Marja, prompting most of the 200 people in his district to flee.
“They have completely paralyzed all the folks here,” Major Coffman said.
In another sign of how little the Marines control outside their own outposts, one week ago masked gunmen killed a 22-year-old man, Hazrat Gul, in broad daylight as he and four other Afghans built a small bridge about a third of a mile from a military base in central Marja.
Mr. Gul’s boss, an Afghan who contracted with the Marines to build the bridge, says he has been warned four times by the Taliban to stop working for the Americans.
And even as the NATO-backed Mr. Zahir struggles to gain credibility as Marja’s leader, the Taliban are working to fortify their own local administration.
According to Colonel Sakhi, the Taliban’s governor for Marja returned to the area on Monday for the first time since the February assault and held a meeting with local elders, many of whom Mr. Zahir is trying to win over. The Taliban governor warned them not to take money from the Marines or cooperate with the Afghan government, Colonel Sakhi said.
In central Marja, where the work projects have had more success, about 2,000 Afghan men are employed by programs financed by the First Battalion, Sixth Marines, said the unit’s civil affairs leader, Maj. David Fennell.
At one of the battalion’s outposts, shipments of cash arrive regularly. The last was 10 million afghanis, or $210,000, stuffed into a rucksack. The battalion doles out $150,000 a week, Major Fennell said.
On one afternoon in late March, 40 Afghans could be seen clearing away several acres of rubble remaining from a bazaar leveled during a NATO bomb strike two years ago. The $190,000 contract is expected to take a month to complete.
But intimidation is still rife — even inside the walls of the Marines’ outpost. One woman who came to the base crouched behind a Humvee and begged for help, saying that her husband had been killed during the February operation.
First Lt. Aran Walsh offered her $1,700 worth of Afghan currency. He asked her why she hid herself.
“If they see me, they’ll inform the Taliban,” she said.
Moises Saman contributed reporting from Marja, and Taimoor Shah from Kandahar, Afghanistan.
Redacción
BBC Mundo

El Vaticano dejó en claro que las palabras de Cantalamessa no representaban la posición oficial.
Comparar las críticas al Papa por el manejo de las acusaciones de abusos sexuales contra menores con el antisemitismo "no es la línea del Vaticano", aseguró este sábado el portavoz oficial del Vaticano, Federico Lomabardi.
En declaraciones a Radio Vaticano, Lombardi afirmó que "asemejar los ataques a Benedicto XVI por los escándalos de abusos sexuales de sacerdotes a niños con el antisemitismo no es la línea mantenida por la Santa Sede".
Con estas palabras, el portavoz buscó matizar las declaraciones previas del predicador personal del Papa, Raniero Cantalamessa, quien al comparar las críticas que recibió el líder del catolicismo con la violencia contra los judíos provocó la ira de los grupos judíos y la de las víctimas de abusos sexuales.
Según Lombardi, la intención de Cantalamessa fue hacer pública la solidaridad expresada por un amigo judío en una carta, en la que el autor señala que las acusaciones le recordaron "los aspectos más vergonzosos del antisemitismo".
Pero reconoció que hacer esta clase de paralelismos puede "generar malos entendidos".

Las afirmaciones de Cantalamessa generaron una ola de críticas.
Lo que para Cantalamessa pudo haber sido una comparación útil, fue sin duda una comentario desatinado, señala el corresponsal de la BBC en el Vaticano, David Willey.
Pese a que Benedicto XVI tiene previsto visitar Israel, señala Willey, las relaciones entre ambas comunidades aún son difíciles y comentarios de esta clase no contribuyen a mejorar el vínculo.
Si bien el Vaticano dejó en claro que no se trataba de una posición oficial, las palabras de Cantalamessa, pronunciadas durante la ceremonia del Viernes Santo celebrada en la Basílica de San Pedro, provocaron críticas inmediatas.
Estoy sin palabras. El Vaticano está intentando convertir a los verdugos en víctimas
Stephan Kramer, Consejo Central de Judíos de Alemania
La organización que agrupa a las víctimas de abusos basada en Estados Unidos, Snap, dijo que los comentarios eran "moralmente equivocados".
Mientras que el Consejo Central de Judíos en Alemania describió al sermón de Pascuas como un "acto de insolencia" sin precedentes.
Su secretario general, Stephan Kramer, dijo que las palabras del sacerdote eran ofensivas y repulsivas.
"Estoy sin palabras. El Vaticano está intentando convertir a los verdugos en víctimas", aseguró Kramer.
Los escándalos por abusos contra menores por parte de sacerdotes ha generado mucha controversia en relación a la actuación de Benedicto XVI antes de haber sido elegido Papa, que algunos consideran ha sido negligente.
Sin embargo, el Vaticano asegura que los señalamientos son injustos y que el pontífice ha introducido nuevas normativas para proteger a los menores.
Hasta ahora, el Vaticano ha defendido enérgicamente sus cinco años de papado y la conducta previa de Benedicto XVI durante el período en que fue cardenal arzobispo de Munich y, posteriormente, líder de la Congregación para la Doctrina de la Fe, el departamento de vigilancia del Vaticano responsable de la disciplina de los sacerdotes culpables de mala conducta.